The Expanded Child Tax Credit is gone. The battle over this remains. ( News New York )

WASHINGTON – While the most bitter American history has been written in a few decades, two recent events may capture the power of the age.

Child poverty gave way to low records. And the program, which is the most to reduce, has disappeared.

The story of that temporary development—technically, tax-advancement, but more clearly a series of monthly interruptions for most families with children—was extraordinary in every way. Guaranteed income in a country long resistant to one, the expanded tax credit that emerged from obscurity to win over most of the Democratic Party, helped millions of low- and middle-income families during the pandemic and helped cut child poverty nearly in half. .

Then he died, as President Biden’s efforts to keep the Republican opposition united and the failure of the Senate Democrats crucial. Critics have called monthly payments of up to $300 per child, an expensive welfare program that would discourage parents from working for cash assistance, regardless of whether they have jobs.

The checks are over, but the battle is not over. Supporters say the new evidence suggests that the payments could lower the workload and raise children without reducing the work parents do. Some Democrats hope to restore pensions to small groups of parents as part of the end-of-the-year tax bill, and, although Republicans won control in January, fully restoring the system remains a long-term Democratic goal.

“He hasn’t gotten crushed, but the obligation to the taxpayer remains — absolutely,” said Mary Cancian, a former Obama administration official who is dean of Georgetown State University’s school of education. “We’ve shown that we can take money into the hands of parents and really make a difference.”

Skeptics argue that the payments’ six-month run was too short to test whether reduced cash incentives would weaken incentives to work, and they find that the short-term benefits are less significant than supporters say.

“The biggest reduction was in material things, but the reduction was enhanced,” said Michael Strain of the American Institute. “It’s a lot smaller than you think when you hear it, ‘I cut poverty in half.’

Both sides can be supported by the experience of Thomas Horton and his wife, Pamela Mudge, who are raising three children in Pitcairn, Pa., outside of Pittsburgh.

Mr Horton, 38, and his teenage son received disability benefits, which became the family’s first ever after Ms Mudge lost her job at the start of the pandemic. Tax credit payments of $750 per month raised their cash income by nearly 50 percent and lifted them above the poverty line.

While most of the aid bills went, Mr. Horton broke down two frugal regulations that provided a boost to children. One trip to Walmart was to quell the teasing of classmates over thrift store clothes. It was another family’s first vacation – one night in a park, where they set up a rental tent and made s’mores. “I saw happiness in my wife and kids that I haven’t seen in a long time,” he said. “He felt like father of the year.”

At the same time, Mr. Horton acknowledged the end of his payment to expedite his wife’s return to work, which detractors of the program insist – and her lost earnings will be harder to replace. Mr. Horton said he had returned to work anyway and, if the payments supporters hoped for, the children would be better off.

“We will respond to the daily struggle,” he said.

Many countries offer cash assistance to cover the cost of raising a child. But the concept has historically held little ground in the United States, where belief in upward mobility has dominated and national divisions have slowed the growth of the welfare state. As recently as 1990, the Democratic president, Bill Clinton, was removing guarantees of financial assistance to poor families.

Concerns about inequality are partly rooted in concerns about family support. It also reflects the science that shows the importance of the formative age and research (reported in the influential 2019 report) that helps the government to help children develop.

The improbable force of the driver accelerated: the toll was cut off. A 2017 law raised the child tax credit by doubling its value and extending it to high-income families, while maintaining income requirements that denied the full benefit to a third of poor children.

Republicans believed that tax credits were logically favorable to taxpayers, but Democrats saw fairness in the policy of excluding children who needed help the most. All poor and middle-class families, regardless of parental employment, wanted to increase the benefit.

A pandemic is an opportunity. Aid Mr. Biden won last year in six monthly payments (from $250 for a child or $300 for under 6). Supporters hoped the program, temporary to limit spending, would be too popular to collapse.

The one-year credit expansion, which cost about $100 billion, cut child poverty by 36 percent, according to census data. The overall decline in child poverty reached 46 percent, an unprecedented one-year drop.

Food shortages among families with children also reached a record low, the Department of Agriculture reported. Surveys consistently found that children’s payments reduced food labor, variously defined, in some cases by 25 percent or more.

“That’s very big — very big,” said Elaine Waxman, a researcher at the Urban Institute. “People are obviously using the money to buy food or we don’t want to see those kinds of numbers.”

The JP Morgan Chase Institute found the bank’s balance sheets increased, creating a cushion against accidents. Researchers at Columbia University have found that the level of employment among New Yorkers is the lowest in the five years for which data has been collected.

“To put it bluntly. The child credit tax was really good,” said Megan A. Curran, an analyst at the Columbia Center on Poverty and Social Policy who published a review of recent studies. “These are some of the most impressive results ever from a single project.”

But with some difficulties they seemed to be mostly intact. Multiple studies have found little or no impact on parents’ ability to pay, perhaps because housing payments are large. While proponents of credit hoped to boost the costs of education or enrichment, the study was not found to address the question directly. And there was little impact on parental depression or stress, perhaps because the solutions expired too quickly to address the problems.

“The report is unfair.” said Elaine Maag, a researcher at the Urban Institute who helped conduct multiple behavioral studies. “But because we have not seen improvements in every aspect of someone’s life, we should not support the idea that it helps in some aspects. I thought people’s lives would be easier, and they were.

The effect of pensions on parents’ decisions to work has drawn much attention. One study found that using help was associated with a two percentage point decline, but only among the least literate parents. But at least six studies have found no change in parental function, although it would take more than six months for the death to be fully apparent.

A more unknown question is whether a reduction in parental work hours benefits children. While the evidence is scarce, Louwanda Douglas, a Pittsburgh nursing assistant, said the pensions have provided more time for families.

Before the program, Ms. Douglas, 44, worked a second job as a night janitor to send his daughters — Londyn, 12, and Leslie, 7 — to fun classes. With $500 a month from a tax credit extension, he quit his night job and took the girls to work. “My kids always want me to be there – they’ve seen me so happy,” he said.

When the payments from the tax credit ended, Ms. Douglas had one job (which he continued to spend time with his sick mother), and Londyn left the fleet partly because of the expense.

Scott Winship of the American Enterprise Institute argues that next year’s program is of little predictive value because the conditions were so unusual, with short payments, other forms of temporary relief and the job market collapsed by the virus. “Studying a pandemic mid-semester program just doesn’t give you much information,” he said.

But others say the real-world experiment, which involves more than 60 million children, is more rigorous than the small experiments that often make up the polish. H. Luke Shaefer, a researcher at the University of Michigan, who found that labor fell as soon as payments began and rose as soon as they stopped.

Last year, Mr. Biden’s long-standing efforts to continue the payments did not convince Senator Joe Manchin III, Democrat of West Virginia, who criticized the spending programs and said aid to working parents should be ended.

Despite popular bets, the program met with little political backlash, and Democrats, accused of inflationary costs, said little about it in their congressional campaigns. Credit is returning to its original state: a $2,000 annual benefit that includes high-income families but does not fully reach the bottom third.

“There has been a silence of silence” by politicians and beneficiaries alike, said Sidney M. Milkis, a political scientist at the University of Virginia, who said the absence of protest illustrates the political alienation of the poor. “Most affected people feel unmotivated to vote.”

Robert Greenstein of the Brookings Institution, a longtime advocate for safety net programs, has urged Congress to restore some parental pensions in exchange for keeping the corporate tax rate, which expires this year. “Its benefits are proven when there is speculation on the way that there is some small adversary,” he said.

But at least one prominent Democrat has warned that progressive tax returns are overstated. Isabella V. Sawhill, also of Brookings, said she agreed with Mr. Manchin that aid should be reserved for working parents (including furloughed workers) and low-income families.

He suggested that the program could be expanded to include other services that low-income families need, such as education and health care. “I could build you a Cadillac pre-K or a child care system for that kind of money,” he said.

Proponents of credit often lament that the United States has higher poverty rates than many developed nations (with poverty defining the median income of each nation). Zacharias Parolin, a researcher of the Federal University of Columbia, found that increased faith promotes the level of Americans to the 21st of 53 countries, from the 40th – to the place except for Germany and Bulgaria.

He was shocked when the payments stopped. “I had this,” he said, “once a plan to be without reason.” “I was wrong – it’s missing.”


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